Last Updated May 6, 2026
Not all international legal rules are written in treaties. Many important norms of international law emerge gradually through the practice of states accompanied by acceptance that such practice is legally relevant in a juridical sense. This body of law is known as customary international law, and it remains one of the central pillars of the international legal order.
Customary international law is recognized as one of the primary sources of international law in Article 38(1)(b) of the Statute of the International Court of Justice, which refers to international custom as evidence of a general practice accepted as law. That formulation remains the classical point of departure for identifying customary norms. It is also reflected and clarified in the International Law Commission’s 2018 conclusions on the identification of customary international law, which explain that determining the existence and content of customary law requires evidence of both a general practice and acceptance of that practice as law.
Series context: This article is part of the International Law series within the Global Governance library.

Customary international law matters because the international system lacks a central legislature capable of producing universal rules across all domains of international life. Treaties create express obligations for their parties, but customary law can bind more broadly, fill gaps where treaty law is absent or incomplete, and preserve legal continuity across changing political conditions. It remains especially important in areas such as immunities, maritime law, diplomatic relations, the use of force, and large parts of international humanitarian law.
At the same time, a serious account of custom cannot treat it as politically neutral. The doctrine of “general practice accepted as law” developed in an international order historically shaped by empire, exclusion, racial hierarchy, and unequal recognition. Many peoples and polities were denied full sovereignty when the classical law of custom was forming. This means that the category of “general practice” has never been purely empirical. It has also been shaped by who was treated as a full legal subject, whose conduct was documented, whose legal views were cited, and whose silence or participation counted. A contemporary anchor article on custom must therefore do two things at once: explain the doctrine rigorously and acknowledge the historical politics of legal universality.
Why Customary International Law Matters
Customary international law is indispensable because international legality cannot be reduced to written agreement alone. Many foundational norms either predate treaties, operate alongside them, or bind states irrespective of whether they are parties to a specific instrument. In this respect, custom helps explain how international law can function as a legal order even where express consent through treaty is absent, fragmented, or politically unattainable.
Custom is also central to legal argument. When states litigate before courts, justify military action, invoke immunities, contest maritime boundaries, defend diplomatic practice, or dispute jurisdiction, they often rely on customary law. The law of custom is therefore not merely historical residue from a pre-treaty age. It is a living doctrinal structure through which obligations are identified, challenged, defended, and refined across the contemporary international system.
Custom also matters because it can bind states beyond the formal circle of treaty parties. A treaty obligation normally depends on participation in that treaty. Customary law, by contrast, may apply generally where the rule has been established through sufficient practice and acceptance as law, subject to specialized questions such as persistent objection and the limits of particular custom. This makes custom one of the most important mechanisms by which international law claims general applicability without a centralized lawmaker.
Finally, custom matters because it is one of the places where international law most clearly reveals its dependence on evidence. Lawyers cannot simply declare a rule customary because it is morally attractive or politically useful. They must identify practice, legal acceptance, relevant actors, representative participation, consistency, and the legal meaning of state conduct. Custom therefore disciplines international legal argument while also exposing the difficulty of making law in a decentralized world.
Article 38 and the Classical Definition of Custom
Article 38(1)(b) of the ICJ Statute defines international custom as evidence of a general practice accepted as law. This formulation is deliberately compact, but it has shaped decades of doctrine. It implies that custom is not simply repeated behavior. Practice becomes law only when it is accompanied by a legal dimension: acceptance, recognition, or justification in juridical terms. The modern two-element approach — state practice and opinio juris — emerges from this classical formula and remains the dominant framework in both scholarship and adjudication.
Primary legal excerpt
“evidence of a general practice accepted as law”
Statute of the International Court of Justice, Article 38(1)(b).
This phrase remains the classical source-law formulation for customary international law: practice must be general, and it must be accepted as law.
The International Law Commission’s 2018 conclusions did not replace Article 38; they clarified and operationalized it. Conclusion 2 states that to determine the existence and content of a rule of customary international law, it is necessary to ascertain whether there is a general practice and whether that practice is accepted as law. This formulation is now among the most authoritative contemporary guides to customary-law analysis.
Yet even this classical formula should not be treated as historically innocent. The language of “general practice” emerged in a legal world where access to statehood, recognition, and full participation in international law was deeply unequal. A contemporary reading of Article 38 must therefore preserve doctrinal discipline while refusing to forget the political and imperial conditions under which the doctrine matured.
Article 38 also matters because it situates custom alongside treaties and general principles. Custom is not inferior to treaty law merely because it is unwritten. Nor is it superior merely because it may claim broader generality. It is a distinct source of law, with its own evidentiary demands and its own risks of misuse. Understanding those demands is essential to responsible international legal reasoning.
The Two Elements of Customary International Law
Scholars, courts, and the ILC generally identify two essential elements in the formation and identification of customary international law: state practice and opinio juris. These are analytically distinct even though, in practice, the same material may bear on both. Official statements, for example, may constitute practice, but they may also reveal whether the practice is defended as law.
Primary legal excerpt
“a general practice that is accepted as law (opinio juris)”
International Law Commission, Draft conclusions on identification of customary international law, Conclusion 2.
This conclusion restates the two-element method: the existence of custom requires both practice and acceptance of that practice as law.
This dual-element structure is crucial because it distinguishes law from pattern. States may behave in similar ways out of convenience, coincidence, power politics, strategic prudence, institutional habit, economic pressure, alliance discipline, or fear of retaliation. Those patterns do not by themselves generate custom. A customary rule emerges only when practice becomes legally meaningful within the international community. That is what gives custom its binding character.
The strength of the two-element approach is that it guards against reducing law either to bare repetition or to abstract aspiration. The weakness is that applying the test requires judgment. Practice can be fragmented. Legal conviction can be implicit. Evidence can be contradictory. Some states are more visible than others. Some forms of practice are better documented than others. This is why the law of custom remains one of the most interpretively demanding areas of international law.
The two elements also serve different critical functions. State practice prevents custom from becoming merely aspirational rhetoric. Opinio juris prevents custom from becoming merely descriptive sociology. Together, they require a rule to be rooted both in conduct and in law-conscious justification.
State Practice
State practice refers to conduct attributable to states in their international relations. The ILC explains that practice may take many forms, including physical acts, verbal acts, diplomatic correspondence, public statements, legislation, judicial decisions, executive practice, military manuals, operational conduct, voting behavior within international organizations, and positions taken in international litigation. Practice is therefore broader than battlefield conduct or treaty participation alone.
Not every act of state conduct counts equally. Practice must be sufficiently general, representative, and consistent. Absolute uniformity is not required, but scattered or contradictory behavior will not readily support a customary rule. The ILC also emphasizes that the practice must be assessed in context, including the nature of the alleged rule and the circumstances in which practice occurs. In some fields, highly public and repeated conduct may matter most; in others, official legal positions or patterns of acquiescence may be central.
This part of the doctrine is often presented as descriptive, but it is also evaluative. Determining whether practice is sufficiently general and representative requires choices about relevant actors, relevant forms of conduct, and the time frame over which practice should be assessed. These choices are legal judgments, not merely mechanical counting exercises.
State practice also raises questions about documentation. The practice of powerful states may be easier to find because their legal positions, military manuals, court decisions, and diplomatic statements are widely published. The practice of smaller states, newly independent states, Indigenous peoples, occupied peoples, and states with fewer institutional resources may be less visible. An evidentiary method that mistakes visibility for authority risks reproducing inequality in the formation of customary law.
Verbal and Physical Acts as Practice
One of the most important modern clarifications is that state practice is not limited to physical conduct. Verbal acts can also constitute practice. Diplomatic notes, official statements, pleadings before international courts, national legislation, votes in international organizations, military manuals, executive legal positions, and statements during treaty negotiations may all be relevant. This matters because international law is not formed only by what states physically do; it is also formed by how states officially describe, justify, protest, or condemn conduct.
Primary legal excerpt
“forms of State practice include diplomatic acts and correspondence”
International Law Commission, Draft conclusions on identification of customary international law, Conclusion 6.
The ILC framework treats both physical and verbal acts as potentially relevant evidence of state practice.
This is crucial in areas where physical practice may be rare or dangerous. Nuclear weapons, cyber operations, outer space activity, humanitarian intervention, immunities, sanctions, and the use of force may not generate frequent open conduct. Legal positions, protests, abstentions, condemnations, manuals, and institutional statements may therefore become especially important. But verbal practice must still be evaluated carefully. A speech made for political convenience is not automatically evidence of custom. The legal framing, consistency, institutional setting, and relationship to other practice all matter.
The recognition of verbal acts also prevents custom from being captured only by states with the material capacity to act physically in a given field. A state without a navy may still have legally relevant views on maritime freedom. A state without cyber power may still articulate legal positions on sovereignty and non-intervention in cyberspace. A state without a space program may still participate in the formation of outer space law through institutional practice and legal argument. This broader evidentiary approach can make custom more representative if applied carefully.
Opinio Juris
Opinio juris refers to acceptance that a practice is carried out as law. It is what distinguishes legal obligation from regularity, habit, courtesy, or political expediency. A state may repeatedly follow a pattern because it is useful or prudent, but unless that practice is accepted in legal terms, it does not amount to customary law. The ILC’s Conclusion 9 makes this distinction explicit.
Primary legal excerpt
“a sense of legal right or obligation”
International Law Commission, Draft conclusions on identification of customary international law, Conclusion 9.
This phrase captures the legal-belief element of custom: a practice must be accepted as legally required, permitted, or authorized.
Evidence of opinio juris may be found in official statements, legal pleadings, diplomatic protests, votes accompanied by legal explanation, positions taken in international organizations, national legislation, judicial decisions, and explanations of military or administrative conduct. Silence may sometimes matter as well, but only in context and only where failure to react may reasonably be understood as legal acquiescence rather than indifference, incapacity, fear, or political constraint.
The difficulty of proving opinio juris is one reason customary law remains contested. Courts and scholars often infer legal belief from the way states defend or explain their conduct rather than from explicit declarations alone. That inference is sometimes strong, but sometimes fragile. The law of custom therefore depends not merely on what states do, but on how they frame what they do.
Opinio juris also has a protective function. It prevents powerful states from transforming repeated conduct into law simply because they can repeat it. If power alone created custom, then military capacity, economic dominance, and technological superiority could easily become law-making engines. The requirement of legal acceptance insists that custom must be justified in terms of law, not merely demonstrated through force or frequency.
Evidence of Opinio Juris
The evidence of opinio juris may take many forms. Official legal statements are among the clearest. Diplomatic protests may show that a state regards conduct as unlawful. Legal pleadings before courts may reveal a state’s understanding of a rule. Votes in international organizations may matter when accompanied by legal explanation. National legislation and judicial decisions may show how states understand their international obligations. Military manuals may reveal official positions on the law of armed conflict. Executive legal memoranda may also become important, especially where published or relied upon publicly.
Not every expression of support for a norm proves opinio juris. States often make political statements, moral appeals, diplomatic gestures, or aspirational declarations. The key question is whether the state frames the practice as legally required, legally permitted, or legally prohibited. A General Assembly resolution, for example, may be evidence of opinio juris if states vote for it because they regard its content as law or emerging law. But a resolution does not automatically create custom merely because it is widely supported.
The evidence must also be assessed holistically. A state’s statement may support a rule, while its conduct contradicts it. A state may abstain for political reasons unrelated to legal belief. A state may remain silent because it lacks information or capacity. A state may use legal language strategically. Customary-law analysis therefore requires more than collecting quotations. It requires evaluating conduct, context, consistency, institutional setting, and the credibility of legal justification.
This is one reason why custom remains both powerful and difficult. It allows law to develop beyond treaty text, but it requires disciplined interpretation of a complex evidentiary record.
Identifying Custom in Practice
In practice, identifying customary international law is less mechanical than the two-element formula sometimes suggests. It involves assembling and evaluating a range of materials, weighing consistency and representativeness, and judging whether legal acceptance is sufficiently evidenced. The ILC’s 2018 conclusions were designed precisely to discipline this process by providing a structured method rather than leaving custom to intuition or rhetorical assertion.
That method has practical consequences. It warns against declaring customary rules too quickly on the basis of moral aspiration, isolated resolutions, or the practice of only a few states. It also warns against over-formalism that would make custom impossible to prove in fast-changing or technically specialized fields. The identification of custom therefore requires both discipline and judgment. It is one of the areas where international law most clearly reveals its character as a legal system built through distributed practice rather than centralized legislation.
The ILC approach also makes clear that identifying custom is not the same as advocating a desirable norm. This distinction matters in politically charged domains where actors may invoke “customary international law” as a way of giving extra authority to moral or political claims that have not yet achieved the evidentiary density the doctrine requires.
A careful method usually asks several questions. What exactly is the proposed rule? Which states have engaged in relevant practice? Is the practice sufficiently general and consistent? Are specially affected or operationally relevant states represented without being allowed to monopolize the analysis? Is there evidence that the practice is accepted as law? Are contrary practice, protest, or silence legally meaningful? Does the alleged rule conflict with treaty obligations, peremptory norms, or established principles? These questions prevent customary law from becoming a label attached too easily to contested claims.
The Role of International Courts and Tribunals
International courts and tribunals play a major role in articulating and identifying customary rules, even though they do not legislate in the formal sense. The International Court of Justice has been especially influential. Its judgments do not automatically create custom, but they help clarify how customary rules are identified, what evidence matters, and how custom interacts with treaty law.
Courts bring discipline to custom because they require parties to present evidence and legal argument. They examine state practice, national legislation, official statements, military manuals, institutional materials, prior judgments, and scholarly analysis. Their reasoning can stabilize legal doctrine and shape future argument. At the same time, courts are limited by the record before them, their jurisdiction, the legal issues framed by the parties, and their institutional traditions.
This makes judicial decisions both powerful and partial. They are powerful because they influence how lawyers, states, and institutions understand custom. They are partial because they are not a substitute for the practice and legal views of the international community. A court may identify custom, but the underlying source remains practice accepted as law.
Judicial reasoning also raises questions of legal geography and institutional voice. Which national court decisions are cited? Which state practices are visible? Which legal systems are treated as representative? Which languages and archives are accessible? A critical account of custom must recognize that the judicial identification of custom can reproduce evidentiary inequalities unless courts and advocates seek a genuinely representative record.
North Sea Continental Shelf and the Classical Test
The North Sea Continental Shelf cases remain foundational for customary-law doctrine. The International Court of Justice examined whether a treaty rule concerning continental shelf delimitation had become customary international law. The Court emphasized that a treaty provision can generate or reflect custom only when the relevant practice and legal conviction are sufficient. The case is especially important because it rejects the assumption that treaty text automatically becomes custom merely because it exists.
Judicial excerpt
“a settled practice” and “evidence of a belief”
International Court of Justice, North Sea Continental Shelf cases.
The case remains one of the classic judicial statements linking customary law to both practice and a belief that the practice is legally obligatory.
The case also shows that custom can develop through treaty-related processes, but not automatically. Widespread treaty participation may be evidence of legal acceptance, especially if accompanied by consistent practice. But treaty participation may also reflect compromise, policy preference, regional interest, or convenience. Courts must therefore ask whether the treaty rule has entered general international law through practice and opinio juris, rather than assuming that multilateral drafting is enough.
North Sea also highlights the importance of representativeness. A rule cannot become general customary law merely through the practice of a narrow group unless that group is legally relevant to the alleged rule and the wider legal conditions support broader acceptance. This question remains urgent in modern fields such as cyber operations, space law, maritime security, and emerging technologies, where only some states have extensive operational capacity.
Nicaragua and the Independence of Custom from Treaty Law
The Nicaragua case remains one of the most important modern decisions on the relationship between treaty law and customary international law. The International Court of Justice distinguished between treaty rules and customary rules relating to the prohibition on the use of force and non-intervention. The Court held that customary rules continued to exist independently of treaty commitments and could remain applicable even where treaty jurisdiction was limited.
Judicial excerpt
“customary international law continues to exist and to apply”
International Court of Justice, Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua.
This principle is central to the relationship between treaty and custom: the existence of a treaty rule does not necessarily displace a parallel customary rule.
This reasoning matters because major treaty regimes often coexist with customary law. The UN Charter contains central rules on the use of force, but customary law also shapes legal analysis of force, self-defense, non-intervention, and sovereignty. Humanitarian treaties coexist with customary humanitarian law. The law of the sea includes both treaty and customary elements. Diplomatic law, immunities, and state responsibility also involve layers of treaty and custom.
The case also demonstrates how custom can preserve legal continuity when jurisdictional limitations prevent a court from applying a treaty directly. In such circumstances, customary international law may provide the legal basis for decision. This makes custom not merely a supplement to treaty law, but a structurally important source in its own right.
At the same time, Nicaragua shows how contested customary reasoning can be. The identification of custom in politically charged fields such as use of force requires careful attention to state practice, statements, resolutions, legal claims, and contradictions between rhetoric and conduct. The case remains foundational precisely because it shows both the importance and the difficulty of custom.
Jurisdictional Immunities and Customary Evidence
The Jurisdictional Immunities of the State case illustrates how customary law may be identified through a wide range of domestic and international materials. The International Court of Justice treated state immunity as a matter of customary international law and examined national legislation, judicial decisions, and state practice. The case is important because it shows that custom often emerges not only through diplomatic statements or treaty processes, but through domestic legal systems applying international norms.
State immunity is a useful example because it sits at the intersection of sovereign equality, domestic courts, human rights claims, and accountability for serious wrongs. The doctrine protects states from being sued in foreign courts in many circumstances, but it can also limit access to remedies for victims. Customary-law analysis in this field therefore has significant human consequences.
The case also shows that custom is not always progressive in a simple sense. A customary rule may preserve sovereign immunity even when moral arguments point toward accountability. This is one reason custom must be analyzed carefully rather than assumed to align with justice in every case. Custom records the legal structure of international society, including its protections, compromises, and exclusions.
For a historically aware account, state immunity also reveals the tension between formal equality and material inequality. The doctrine protects all states formally, but powerful states may be better positioned to invoke immunity, shape its interpretation, and avoid accountability through diplomatic or institutional means. Customary law must therefore be studied both as doctrine and as a distribution of legal power.
Persistent Objector Doctrine
One of the distinctive features of customary international law is the persistent objector doctrine. Under this principle, a state that clearly, consistently, and openly objects to an emerging customary rule while it is still in formation may avoid being bound by that rule once it crystallizes. The doctrine reflects the continuing significance of sovereignty within a system where custom derives partly from general acceptance rather than explicit universal consent.
At the same time, the doctrine is narrow and difficult to invoke successfully. The objection must be maintained during the formative period of the alleged rule, and it must be sufficiently clear to count as genuine opposition rather than isolated disagreement. A state cannot wait until a rule is fully established and then simply announce that it rejects it. Persistent objection must be timely, public, and consistent.
The doctrine also has limits. It is generally understood not to apply against peremptory norms of general international law. A state cannot persistently object its way out of prohibitions that the international community recognizes as non-derogable. This matters because it prevents the doctrine from becoming a general escape from the most fundamental norms of international legality.
Persistent objection also raises deeper questions about equality. In theory, it protects sovereign autonomy. In practice, not all states have equal capacity to object, publish legal positions, maintain diplomatic protest, or resist pressure. Some states may remain silent not because they accept a rule, but because they lack capacity, face dependency, or fear retaliation. The doctrine therefore requires contextual sensitivity.
Silence, Acquiescence, and Protest
Silence can sometimes matter in customary international law, but it must be handled with great care. In some circumstances, a state’s failure to object to a practice affecting its legal interests may be treated as acquiescence. But silence is ambiguous. A state may be silent because it accepts a rule, because it lacks knowledge, because the issue is not salient, because it lacks diplomatic capacity, because it is constrained by dependence, or because protest would carry political risk.
For this reason, silence should not be treated as automatic consent. The legal significance of silence depends on context. Was the state aware of the practice? Was it directly affected? Was a response reasonably expected? Did the state have the capacity and opportunity to respond? Was the silence consistent over time? Were other states protesting? Was the practice public? These questions determine whether silence is meaningful or merely absence from the record.
Protest, by contrast, can be highly significant. Diplomatic objections, legal statements, votes against resolutions, litigation positions, and public condemnations may all show that a state does not accept a proposed rule. Protest can prevent a practice from becoming general, complicate claims of opinio juris, or support persistent objector arguments. But protest also varies in strength. A single ambiguous statement may carry less weight than repeated, legally framed objections.
The politics of silence and protest are especially important for marginalized or less powerful states. A legal method that treats silence too readily as acquiescence risks converting inequality into consent. Customary law should therefore ask not only whether a state spoke, but whether the conditions for meaningful legal voice existed.
Special Problems in the Formation of Custom
Several difficulties complicate the formation and identification of customary law. One concerns speed: can custom arise rapidly in response to new realities, or must it emerge only over long periods? Modern practice suggests that duration is not decisive by itself; what matters is the quality, density, and legal character of the practice. Another concerns universality: how much participation is enough, and whose practice matters most in specialized fields? A third concerns silence: when does inaction amount to acquiescence, and when is it merely non-participation?
There is also a recurring risk of circularity. If legal belief is inferred from practice and practice is treated as legally meaningful because of legal belief, custom can appear self-referential. The best responses to this problem come from disciplined evidentiary analysis and close attention to how states actually justify their conduct. The ILC’s conclusions are valuable precisely because they reduce the temptation to declare custom on the basis of intuition or political preference alone.
Another problem concerns aspirational norms. International actors may wish to treat an emerging principle as law before the evidentiary record supports it. This can happen in human rights, environmental law, cyber governance, artificial intelligence, humanitarian protection, and global health. Aspirational legal development is not illegitimate, but it should not be confused with established custom. Legal clarity matters because premature claims can weaken credibility and invite backlash.
Finally, custom faces the problem of asymmetric capacity. In fields such as outer space, cyber operations, deep seabed activity, nuclear weapons, maritime security, and advanced surveillance, only some states can generate operational practice. If custom depends too heavily on those states, technologically powerful actors may acquire disproportionate law-shaping authority. A careful method must recognize operational relevance without allowing capacity to become domination.
Regional and Particular Custom
Not all custom must be universal in scope. International law also recognizes the possibility of regional or particular customary rules, provided the relevant practice and legal acceptance are established among the states concerned. This matters because not every legal norm emerges at the scale of the entire international system. Some customary patterns are specific to regional relations, particular legal communities, or recurring practices among a defined group of states.
Regional and particular custom can arise from shared geography, historical practice, treaty-related conduct, institutional cooperation, or recurrent dealings among a defined set of states. Examples may involve boundary practice, asylum traditions, regional navigation rights, or specialized institutional practices. The key is that the custom must be proven among the relevant states. It cannot be presumed merely because a region shares cultural, political, or institutional features.
The recognition of regional or particular custom is important because it complicates any simplistic notion that customary law must always be universal in extent. It also shows that custom is a flexible form of legal development, capable of producing obligations at different scales depending on the relevant legal community and evidence.
At the same time, particular custom can create evidentiary and legitimacy problems. If only some states are bound, the relevant legal community must be carefully identified. If affected states disagree, the alleged rule may fail. If a powerful regional actor dominates the practice, the claim of custom may conceal hierarchy rather than reflect legal acceptance. As always, evidence and context are essential.
Specially Affected States and Unequal Weight
A recurring issue is the role of “specially affected” states. In some domains, such as maritime delimitation, naval operations, outer space activity, cyber operations, nuclear practice, or transboundary environmental harm, the conduct of states most directly engaged in the relevant activity may carry particular evidentiary weight. The idea is practical: not every state is equally positioned to generate relevant conduct in every field.
This doctrine is often useful, but it carries political risk. If handled carelessly, it can become a way of giving technologically advanced, militarily powerful, economically dominant, or historically imperial states disproportionate law-shaping influence. A serious contemporary account of custom must therefore use the idea with caution. Operational relevance matters, but it must not become a disguised license for hierarchy in the making of law.
For example, naval powers may generate substantial maritime practice, but landlocked and coastal developing states also have legal interests in the law of the sea. Cyber-capable states may publish legal positions on digital operations, but states affected by cyber interference also have legal interests. Spacefaring states may generate operational practice in orbit, but the legal order of outer space affects humanity more broadly. The question is therefore not whether specially affected states matter, but how to prevent their practice from overwhelming the broader legal community.
This issue is especially important for Global South perspectives. A customary-law method that privileges capacity without considering vulnerability can produce rules shaped by those most able to act rather than those most affected by the consequences.
Custom and Treaties
Customary law and treaty law are not competing silos. They frequently interact. A treaty may codify a pre-existing customary rule, crystallize an emerging norm, or contribute to the later formation of custom through widespread participation and concordant practice. Conversely, custom may continue to apply alongside treaty law, govern non-parties, or fill interpretive gaps within treaty regimes. This interaction is one of the defining features of international legal development.
This is particularly evident in fields such as maritime law, diplomatic relations, humanitarian law, and state responsibility, where treaty texts coexist with extensive customary frameworks. The relationship between custom and treaties also helps explain why codification efforts by bodies such as the ILC matter so much. They do not merely restate law; they help clarify whether a rule is treaty-specific, customary, or both.
Treaties may influence custom in several ways. They may record an already existing customary rule. They may help crystallize a rule that is in the process of formation. They may create a framework through which later practice develops. They may also fail to generate custom if participation is narrow, reservations are significant, practice is inconsistent, or states treat the obligations as treaty-specific rather than generally required by law.
Custom may also influence treaties. Background customary rules can shape interpretation, fill gaps, and continue to bind states outside the treaty regime. In some cases, a state may not be party to a treaty but may still be bound by a parallel customary rule. This is one reason the relationship between treaty and custom is central to international legal analysis.
Custom, Resolutions, and Soft Law
Customary law also interacts with softer normative materials such as General Assembly resolutions, declarations, guidelines, codes of conduct, and institutional practice. Such instruments do not automatically create custom. But they may provide evidence of legal conviction, help consolidate shared formulations, or contribute to the wider normative environment in which custom develops. The ILC recognizes that resolutions of international organizations and intergovernmental conferences may, in certain circumstances, play a role in identifying custom or its emergence.
This is especially important in modern international law, where formal treaties may lag behind political and normative development. Soft-law instruments can shape legal expectation, influence the articulation of opinio juris, and prepare the ground for later codification or stronger customary consolidation. But they should not be treated as automatic shortcuts around the evidentiary demands of custom.
General Assembly resolutions illustrate the difficulty. Some resolutions are largely political. Others express legal principles that states treat as authoritative. Some may contribute to custom when supported by widespread legal acceptance and consistent practice. Others may be important evidence of aspiration but not yet law. The legal significance of a resolution depends on wording, voting patterns, explanations of vote, subsequent practice, institutional setting, and whether states treat the content as law.
Soft law therefore occupies a middle position. It may not bind in the same way as treaty or custom, but it can influence how custom forms, how opinio juris is expressed, and how legal argument develops over time.
Custom, Jus Cogens, and Legal Hierarchy
Customary international law is often discussed as a source of general norms, but not all norms occupy the same position within the legal order. Some norms are treated as peremptory norms of general international law, or jus cogens. These are norms from which no derogation is permitted and which can be modified only by a subsequent norm of the same character. They limit treaty freedom and may also constrain state conduct more broadly.
Peremptory norms complicate customary-law analysis because they are often identified through materials that include custom, treaty practice, judicial decisions, institutional statements, and recognition by the international community of states as a whole. The existence of jus cogens shows that international law is not simply a flat field of consent and practice. Some norms are treated as foundational to the legal order itself.
Examples often associated with peremptory status include prohibitions on genocide, slavery, torture, aggressive war, and racial discrimination. The exact scope and consequences of peremptory norms remain contested, but their existence matters because they prevent ordinary state agreement or practice from validating conduct that international law treats as fundamentally unlawful.
This connection also reveals a deeper tension. Custom is often built from state practice, yet some state practices cannot generate valid law if they conflict with peremptory norms. Repeated torture, aggression, or racial domination cannot become lawful simply because states engage in it. Legal hierarchy therefore prevents custom from collapsing into empirical behavior alone.
Custom in Substantive Fields of International Law
Customary international law remains especially important in several substantive fields. In the law of the sea, custom helped shape principles of maritime zones, navigation, continental shelf rights, and high seas freedoms, even as treaty law later codified much of the field. In diplomatic law, customary practice long preceded codification in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. In the law of immunities, custom continues to play a central role in determining the scope of state immunity and official immunity.
In the use of force, customary law operates alongside the UN Charter. The prohibition on force, self-defense, necessity, proportionality, and non-intervention all involve customary dimensions. In international humanitarian law, customary rules protect civilians, regulate means and methods of warfare, and apply in contexts where treaty participation or classification questions may be complex. In international criminal law, custom has played an important role in defining certain crimes and modes of responsibility, though legality concerns require special care.
Custom is also increasingly invoked in environmental law, cyber operations, climate obligations, business and human rights, and global health. These fields show both the promise and difficulty of custom. They involve urgent problems, uneven practice, rapidly changing technology, and contested legal positions. The temptation to declare custom quickly can be strong. But the need for disciplined evidence remains essential.
This substantive diversity shows why customary law cannot be studied only as a general doctrine. Each field has its own evidence, institutions, power relations, and patterns of practice. A serious method combines general source doctrine with field-specific knowledge.
Colonial Legacies and the Politics of General Practice
A fully serious article on custom must acknowledge that the doctrine of general practice accepted as law was built in an international order structured by empire. Many peoples under colonial rule were not treated as full sovereign authors of international law when classical custom doctrine was developing. This means that what counted as “general practice” was often shaped by exclusion. Practices of dominant powers could appear universal because those denied equal sovereignty were not fully counted in the making of law.
This does not make customary international law illegitimate as such. It means its history is inseparable from unequal power. A contemporary doctrine of custom should therefore be read in a way that gives due weight to broader participation, decolonization, the legal agency of formerly colonized states, and the plurality of legal traditions and political experiences that now shape the international legal order. The problem is not custom itself, but the danger of treating historically selective universality as though it had always been neutral and genuinely universal.
Colonial history matters for evidence. Whose archives were preserved? Whose legal positions were translated? Whose protests were dismissed? Whose treaties were treated as real agreements and whose were treated as instruments of administration? Whose customs were recognized as law and whose were treated as local practice without international significance? These questions shape the record from which custom is identified.
A more honest custom doctrine should therefore foreground participation, voice, and historical correction. The practice of newly independent states, Global South coalitions, regional organizations, Indigenous peoples, and marginalized communities cannot simply be treated as peripheral to a doctrine built earlier under unequal conditions. Customary law is strongest when its claim to generality is made more genuinely general.
Customary Law in the Modern International System
Although treaties have multiplied dramatically in the modern era, customary international law remains essential. It fills legal space where treaties are silent, supports continuity across regimes, and provides a basis for norms that claim general applicability. In domains such as immunities, the use of force, parts of humanitarian law, and aspects of the law of the sea, custom remains indispensable to both legal analysis and adjudication.
Custom also reveals something deeper about the nature of international law. It shows that international legality does not depend entirely on centralized legislation or even on explicit contractual consent. Law can emerge through repeated conduct, legal justification, institutional repetition, and shared normative expectation. That does not make custom vague or merely sociological. It means that international law is built through a distinctive jurisprudential form: one in which practice and legality are mutually constitutive within a decentralized system.
In the contemporary system, custom faces new pressures. The speed of technological change challenges slow evidentiary methods. Geopolitical fragmentation complicates generality. Selective enforcement weakens legal authority. Environmental crisis creates pressure for rapid legal development. Digital conflict produces secret practice and contested attribution. Global inequality continues to shape whose legal positions are visible. These pressures make custom more difficult, not less important.
The best contemporary account of custom therefore holds two truths together. First, custom is indispensable to the structure of international legality. Second, the interpretation of custom must remain attentive to history, power, and the politics of whose practice and whose legal voice count in the making of international law.
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Explore the supporting research materials for this article, including source notes, primary-authority metadata, customary-law concepts, and documentation connected to state practice, opinio juris, ICJ case law, and International Law Commission materials.
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- International Law Foundations
- Sources of International Law
- Treaty Law
- General Principles of Law in International Legal Order
- Jus Cogens, Erga Omnes, and Peremptory Norms in International Law
- Fragmentation and Coherence in International Legal Order
- The Westphalian System and State Sovereignty
- State Responsibility in International Law
- International Courts and Tribunals
- The United Nations and Collective Security
- Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)
- Human Rights in International Law
Primary Authorities
- International Court of Justice (1945) Statute of the International Court of Justice. Available at: https://www.icj-cij.org/statute.
- International Law Commission (2018) Identification of customary international law. Available at: https://legal.un.org/ilc/guide/1_13.shtml.
- International Law Commission (2018) Draft conclusions on identification of customary international law. Available at: https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/draft_articles/1_13_2018.pdf.
- International Law Commission (2018) Draft conclusions on identification of customary international law, with commentaries. Available at: https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/commentaries/1_13_2018.pdf.
- International Court of Justice (1969) North Sea Continental Shelf (Federal Republic of Germany/Denmark; Federal Republic of Germany/Netherlands). Available at: https://www.icj-cij.org/case/52.
- International Court of Justice (1984–1986) Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America). Available at: https://www.icj-cij.org/case/70.
- International Court of Justice (2012) Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy: Greece intervening). Available at: https://www.icj-cij.org/case/143.
- United Nations (n.d.) Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and Their Property. Available at: https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/cjistp/cjistp.html.
- United Nations (1945) Charter of the United Nations. Available at: https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text.
Further Reading
- Anghie, A. (2004) Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Available at: https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/imperialism-sovereignty-and-the-making-of-international-law/8A9B9D74AAB7CA2D7B7D4D83A7E9D59A.
- Crawford, J. (2019) Brownlie’s Principles of Public International Law. 9th edn. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Available at: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/brownlies-principles-of-public-international-law-9780198737445.
- Koskenniemi, M. (2006) From Apology to Utopia: The Structure of International Legal Argument. Reissue edn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Available at: https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/from-apology-to-utopia/3EAEEC4803D15CDB6D03BA3F5A679B5B.
- Orakhelashvili, A. (2022) Akehurst’s Modern Introduction to International Law. 9th edn. Abingdon: Routledge. Available at: https://www.routledge.com/Akehursts-Modern-Introduction-to-International-Law/Orakhelashvili/p/book/9780367753588.
- Shaw, M.N. (2021) International Law. 9th edn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Available at: https://www.cambridge.org/highereducation/books/international-law/2AB3E3A1B863D0F1D9B22F7862B1F0F1.
- United Nations International Law Commission (2018) Draft conclusions on identification of customary international law, with commentaries. Available at: https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/commentaries/1_13_2018.pdf.
- United Nations (n.d.) United Nations Audiovisual Library of International Law. Available at: https://legal.un.org/avl/.
References
- International Court of Justice (1945) Statute of the International Court of Justice. Available at: https://www.icj-cij.org/statute.
- International Court of Justice (1969) North Sea Continental Shelf (Federal Republic of Germany/Denmark; Federal Republic of Germany/Netherlands). Available at: https://www.icj-cij.org/case/52.
- International Court of Justice (1984–1986) Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America). Available at: https://www.icj-cij.org/case/70.
- International Court of Justice (2012) Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy: Greece intervening). Available at: https://www.icj-cij.org/case/143.
- International Law Commission (2018) Identification of customary international law. Available at: https://legal.un.org/ilc/guide/1_13.shtml.
- International Law Commission (2018) Draft conclusions on identification of customary international law. Available at: https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/draft_articles/1_13_2018.pdf.
- International Law Commission (2018) Draft conclusions on identification of customary international law, with commentaries. Available at: https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/commentaries/1_13_2018.pdf.
- United Nations (1945) Charter of the United Nations. Available at: https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text.
- United Nations (n.d.) Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and Their Property. Available at: https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/cjistp/cjistp.html.
